After Xi Jinping came to power, the second generation of the Communist Party of China’s Red Generation has been increasingly marginalized.
Since Xi Jinping took power, the second generation of the Communist Party’s Red Generation has been increasingly underused and marginalized. In recent years, several second-generation Reds have been sentenced to heavy prison terms, highlighting the rift between Xi and the Reds. Multiple reports indicate that the second-generation Reds are discontent and fearful of Xi.
Chen Xiaolu, a member of the second generation of the Red Clique, has opinions about several of Xi’s actions
The New York Times on April 26 published an excerpt from a new book by Jane Perlez, the paper’s Beijing bureau chief, entitled “Father and Son,” in which the author interviewed Chen Xiaolu several times, referring to his views on Xi during his lifetime.
Chen Xiaolu, son of the late Chinese Communist Party patriarch Chen Yi, died of heart disease on Feb. 28, 2018, in Hainan at the age of 72.
The report wrote, “On our first few lunches together, Xiaolu (Chen Xiaolu) was more cautious, but I could sense that he had reservations about Xi Jinping.”
The report said Chen Xiaolu made negative comments about Document 9, which was released shortly after Xi took power and listed Western ideas that the Communist Party defined as unacceptable in China – constitutional democracy, universal human rights. document 9 was an early signal from Xi that liberals would face a storm. It shows Xi’s determination to enforce authoritarian rule. Xiaolu seems deeply disappointed.
One of Chen Xiaolu’s better-known acts was his public apology in August 2013 for his mistakes as a high school student during the Cultural Revolution. This action contrasts with the current approach of the Xi administration. In the recently published “A Brief History of the Communist Party of China,” the authorities devote only one page to a brief description of the Cultural Revolution, emphasizing the difference between the Cultural Revolution as a political movement and the historical period of the Cultural Revolution, and seven pages to describing the Communist Party’s “important progress in its work despite the difficulties.
The New Times article reveals that Chen Xiaolu believes that U.S.-China relations are becoming increasingly tense. “It’s not something I’m happy to see, but there’s nothing I can do about it,” he said. He said.
Currently, under Xi Jinping’s leadership, relations between the Communist Party of China and the United States are becoming increasingly strained.
An article by independent U.S.-based scholar Wu Jolai has mentioned that Chen Xiaolu was detained and interrogated by the Shanghai authorities for a period of time and came out telling his friends that he was fine and could travel, according to former CCP Vice Premier Luo Ruiqing’s daughter at Chen Xiaolu’s memorial service. But those in the know know that he has been banned from leaving the country, and there is also news that the authorities are pursuing him for the tens of millions of dollars he spent on Anbang’s travel expenses (which are supposed to be reimbursed for working as a board member or standing in for Anbang). Even if Chen Xiaolu travels in Hainan, he will still be strictly watched by the relevant authorities in case the big brother’s second generation of Reds leaves the country, bringing unpredictable effects.
Chen Yuan’s Secretaries and “Butlers” Arrested
In recent years, heavyweight officials at the China Development Bank (CDB), which was once run by Chen Yuan, the eldest son of the late Chinese Communist Party patriarch, have been arrested, including several of Chen Yuan’s “butlers” (directors of the CDB’s general office).
On April 19 this year, Zhang Maolong, the former director of operations of CDB who retired more than eight years ago, was investigated. From September 2000 to March 2005, Zhang Maolong served as the director of the General Office (Party Committee Office) of China Development Bank, and was the “housekeeper” of Chen Yuan, the then governor of China Development Bank.
In 1998, Chen Yuan was transferred to China Development Bank as the president of the bank; in 2008, he became the chairman of China Development Bank; in 2013, he retired and became the vice chairman of the National Committee of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference.
In January this year, Zhang Linwu, a former senior expert of the Second Bureau of Evaluation of China Development Bank, was investigated. From March 2012 to December 2014, Zhang Linwu served as the director of the General Office of China Development Bank, and was also the “butler” of the then chairman of China Development Bank, Chen Yuan. The land media also revealed that Zhang Linwu “worked as a leading secretary in China Development Bank.
On February 28, 2019, Guo Lin, a former member of the executive committee of China Development Bank, was investigated. Guo Lin went to the office of the president of CDB in October 1994 as a full secretary until 2000.
In addition, Chen Yuan has a close relationship with Ren Zhiqiang and Bo Xilai, the second generation of Red.
Some overseas Chinese media people broke the news that back then, when Ren was working in Xicheng District of Beijing, it was Chen Yuan who pulled him into the real estate company (Beijing Huayuan Group, the chairman of which was concurrently served by Chen Yuan, the secretary of the district party committee at that time) established in Xicheng District. Therefore, Chen Yuan’s relationship with Ren is closer than Wang Qishan’s relationship with Ren.
On September 22, 2020, Ren Zhiqiang, the former chairman of Beijing Huayuan Group, was sentenced to 18 years in prison. On February 19, 2016, Ren was criticized by the Chinese Communist Party for criticizing “the official media’s surname is Party” and was roundly attacked in a “Cultural Revolution-style” manner.
Wang Qishan’s public praise for Xi’s alleged “fear” after his arrest
The arrest of Wang Qishan’s “top secretary” and former deputy ministerial-level inspector of the Central Inspection Group, Dong Hong, after Ren’s sentencing, was seen as an intensification of infighting at the top of the Communist Party, and was seen as a bad situation for Wang Qishan.
On April 12, Dong Hong was expelled from the Communist Party of China (CPC), and the authorities accused him of “engaging in power and money deals and illegally receiving large amounts of money and property”.
On April 20, when Wang Qishan gave a speech at the opening ceremony of the Boao Forum for Asia, he called himself the “temporary host” and said he was not giving the speech, but Xi Jinping, who was only “announcing” for Xi, causing public concern.
Several media believe that this is a sign of Wang Qishan’s public “weakness” or “fear” of Xi.
It is reported that Ren’s family and Wang Qishan’s family have had a good relationship for decades. Ren and Wang are “friends and teachers”.
Red Generation marginalized after Xi Jinping takes power
After Xi Jinping came to power, Wang Qishan and Liu Yuan helped Xi fight corruption and tigers. In addition, Hu Deping, the son of Hu Yaobang, Geng Ying, the daughter of Geng Biao, Hu Muying, the daughter of Hu Qiaomu, and Tao Siliang, the daughter of Tao Cast, were once openly supportive of Xi.
With the sentencing of Deng Xiaoping’s grandson-in-law Wu Xiaohui and Ren Zhiqiang and the death of Chen Xiaolu, the rift between Xi and the second generation is obvious.
Even Liu Yuan, who was instrumental in bringing down Gu Junshan and Xu Caihou, did not become a member of the military commission or vice chairman of the military commission as expected, but retired to an idle position in the Communist Party’s National People’s Congress; Wang Qishan, the “tiger-fighting general,” did not remain a member of the Standing Committee and secretary of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection, but only became a vice-chairman without real power.
Among the second-generation generals in the military, Air Force Commander Ma Xiaotian, Central War Zone Political Commissar Yin Fanglong, Navy Political Commissar Liu Xiaojiang, Second Artillery Political Commissar Zhang Haiyang, and National Defense University Political Commissar Liu Asia have all retired at some point.
At present, in the CCP military, only Zhang Yuman, a second-generation Red and vice chairman of the Central Military Commission, is reappointed. According to reports, Xi Jinping and Zhang’s father’s generation have a relatively close relationship with each other.
The second generation of Reds is also increasingly marginalized in CCP politics.
Mao Xinyu, the first grandson of Mao Zedong; Li Xiaolin, daughter of Li Peng; Deng Nan, daughter of Deng Xiaoping; Chen Yuan, son of Chen Yun; Zhu Yanlai, daughter of Zhu Rongji; and Wan Jifei, son of Wan Li, were not among the new CPC National Committee members in 2018.
Among the CPC ministerial officials, Li Xiaopeng, son of former Premier Li Peng, currently serves as the CPC Minister of Transport and Deputy Secretary of the Party Group.
On April 4 this year, the Qingming Festival, the family of the late former CCP General Secretary Zhao Ziyang moved out of the No. 6 courtyard of Fuqiang Hutong in Beijing at the request of the authorities; and on May 19, 2019, Hu Huahua, Hu Yaobang’s third son, moved out of the quadrangle of No. 25 Accountant Hutong in Xicheng District, where Hu Yaobang lived during his lifetime.
Fewer and fewer second generation Reds show loyalty to Xi
In recent years, many second-generation Reds have rarely appeared and gradually disappeared from the news reports.
On Feb. 20 this year, the Chinese Communist authorities held a symposium in Beijing on the 100th anniversary of Hua Guofeng’s birth. On that day, Mao Xinyu, who had not been seen for a long time, and Liu Yuan, son of former CPC president Liu Shaoqi, showed up.
The main point of the high-profile commemoration of Hua Guofeng by Xi Jinping’s administration is to warn the “second generation of Reds”, said Li Linyi, a commentator on current affairs. At that time, Ma Yun’s Ant Group was denied listing by the authorities. The company’s main goal is to provide a warning to the people who are related to the second generation of the government and the second generation of the red generation.
Li Linyi said that Mao Xinyu used to talk about “my grandfather” all day long, which is probably one of the reasons why he is not liked by the authorities. In fact, as long as Mao changed “my grandfather” to “general secretary,” the authorities would keep letting him show up. But the huge group of second-generation Reds has not seen many of them show their loyalty to Xi in recent years, which shows how bad the relationship between Xi and the second-generation Reds has become.
In the early days of Xi Jinping’s rise to power, the second generation of the Reds once frequently supported Xi. For example, in 2014, 2015 and 2016, a relatively large “New Year’s Reunion” was held in Beijing to support Xi, with nearly 1,000 people in 2015.
After the 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, there were no more public reports of large gatherings of the Red Generation in support of Xi Jinping.
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