All decision-making officials in Hong Kong took a collective oath of allegiance to the Basic Law at the end of last year. (Photo credit: Hong Kong Government Information Service)
During the “two sessions” of the Chinese Communist Party, Chinese scholar Tian Feilong wrote that Beijing would upgrade its demands on the Hong Kong pro-establishment, and that the central government needed not “rubber stamps or loyal losers” but “virtuous patriots. “. Liu Shiliang, a senior current affairs commentator in Hong Kong, recently analyzed that after the Chinese Communist Party defeated the pan-democratic camp, the “three types of people” in Hong Kong may become the next wave of the Chinese Communist Party’s rectification.
Tian Feilong, director of the National Association for the Study of Hong Kong and Macau, is regarded as a contributor to the Chinese Communist Party’s hard-line approach to Hong Kong. According to a political article by Tian Feilong published in Hong Kong Ming Pao on March 3, which focuses on “patriots ruling Hong Kong,” the new Hong Kong election law to be introduced in 2021 will be a “constitutional moment” that will provide more seats for the Hong Kong pro-establishment on the one hand and escalate Beijing’s demands on the Hong Kong pro-establishment on the other. Beijing will also upgrade its demands on Hong Kong’s pro-establishment faction, which will have to step down if it does not do a good job, because the Central Government of the Communist Party of China needs “not rubber stamps or loyal losers”, but “virtuous patriots”.
After the article was published, it sparked concern and speculation among the Hong Kong establishment, who might be the “loyal loser” in the eyes of the party.
In response, Hong Kong senior current affairs commentator Liu Shiliang wrote an article in Apple Daily on the 8th, pointing out that before the legislation of the National Security Law, there were mainly conflicts between the opposition and the Chinese Communist Party in Hong Kong. Now that the Chinese Communist Party has defeated the pan-democratic camp and Hong Kong has been reconstructed, the political space of the opposition has been significantly reduced from the system, and the “main contradiction” in the eyes of the Chinese Communist Party has been removed. The next step will be to take on the three major forces in power, and the three new targets of the struggle are: the Hong Kong pro-establishment, the Hong Kong government officials (i.e. the “AO Party”) and the Hong Kong business sector.
Liu further analyzed that after the handover of Hong Kong’s sovereignty to the Chinese government in 1997, the AO Party, represented by Anson Chan, has been targeted by the Chinese Communist Party, but because this group of up to 700 people is responsible for the operation of the Hong Kong government, the Chinese Communist Party does not dare to act rashly, but has also taken some moves to weaken the AO Party For example, it has openly criticized Anson Chan and engaged in the accountability system for senior officials.
And although the Hong Kong pro-establishment camp has sufficient political resources, they are just a group of “loyal losers” with no political discourse ability.
As for the Hong Kong business sector is just a political free lunch, the Liaison Office needs help when the “hand machine, rubber stamp”.
Liu said that these people have no accountability to speak of and no common political beliefs, but only a rabble acting on the instructions of the Chinese Communist Party, in politics only for personal interests, and can not talk about political loyalty.
Liu believes that even if the Chinese Communist Party defeats these three forces or replaces them with new Hong Kong people who return to China, it will not be possible to meet its “red and professional” requirement. And it would be counterproductive to improve the level of governance in Hong Kong.