This period of Time, the State Council or some elderly people, always the previous period of the economic problems are very serious, the State Council at the time repeatedly said to oppose the past economic work in the two eager to achieve, a called construction eager to achieve, a called reform eager to achieve.
After the “June 4 incident”, the CPC Political Bureau met to criticize Zhao Ziyang, Deng Xiaoping and Li Peng attended the meeting another change in the situation, is the governance and rectification of a proposed, giving people the impression that economic reform has a big problem, or why no longer talk about deepening reform, economic stability, and engaged in governance and rectification it? This will give some people a mouth, using this to deny the economic reform, deny the achievements of economic construction, blowing the “inverted Zhao wind”, some old comrades went so far as to ask for punishment, to the Standing Committee, in fact, mainly my own responsibility to make a review. Wang Renzhong in the Politburo meeting more than once proposed to trace the responsibility, saying that there is such a big problem, the leadership should take the lead in the review. It was during this period that rumors circulated everywhere at Home and abroad that my position was unstable and my power was being weakened, and even that I was not going to be the general secretary anymore, that I was going to be the chairman of the military commission and the president of the country, etc., just to say that I could not go on. During this period, I also heard from many sources that a group of elderly people collectively petitioned Deng Xiaoping to speak ill of me and ask me to step down.
Deng Xiaoping said several times during this period that the leadership pattern of the central government should not be moved, but of course there was a reason for this. Around the end of 1988, a Hong Kong newspaper reported that while Deng was in Shanghai, Li Xiannian suggested to Deng that I should step down, but Deng did not accept the suggestion. I read this news and wrote a few words to Wang Ruilin to Deng to take a look, my words probably mean that there are a lot of such rumors at home and abroad recently, I do not know if Deng knows. At that time, there was such a wind at home and abroad, and some people were worried about me, saying that I was not the second Yao Bang.
This period of time, the State Council or some elderly people, always the economic problems of the previous paragraph very serious, the State Council at the time repeatedly said to oppose the past economic work in the two eager to achieve, one called the construction of eager to achieve, one called the reform of eager to achieve. It is justifiable to say that the construction is in a hurry, which means that the scale of infrastructure is larger, but the reform is not a matter of haste. In addition to price reform, other reforms are also difficult steps. They are using this to oppose reform and deny the past. At that time, some old people in the Party cooperated with Li Peng and Yao Yilin in the State Council.
Before New Year’s Day 1989, the Politburo Standing Committee held a Life meeting, and Li Peng and Yao Yilin took the lead in criticizing me. In fact, they had already hollowed me out at that time, but they all said at the meeting that I was too much inquisitive and it was difficult for him to be the Premier. At the same time, they raised many strange questions about the reform and opening up set of things. Yao Yilin even said bluntly, “What does it mean to attack the price barrier? How did it come out? He didn’t understand that I didn’t say this first, but Deng Xiaoping did, and he thought I brought it up, so he attacked me, but in fact he wanted to settle the score. This meeting was obvious that the finger pointed at my responsibility in the economic reform. After the meeting I reported the meeting to Deng, Deng looked very unhappy, spoke a long speech in support of reform, affirmation of reform, that China does not reform there is no way out.
Yao Yilin, a man who never spoke very clearly in the past and did not lead, spoke very clearly and pointedly this time, and was emboldened. It seems that his and Li Peng’s attitudes are not accidental, but represent a kind of climate, and someone behind them is supporting them. The wind has been blowing since the fall of 1988, and at the same time, there has been a lot of gossip about me and my Family. It was said that several of my children had made a fortune selling color TVs, cars, grain and alloy steel. This was completely untrue and not true at all, but it was widely circulated. Later, when I stepped down, they couldn’t wait to investigate, which was fine, but nothing came out from the investigation, so it had to end. In the past, there were very few rumors about me in this regard, but why was there such a concentration of rumors in the second half of 1988, when the impression was given that my family was engaged in the “official fall”. This is not an accident, but an attempt to vilify me and ruin my image as an advocate of reform.
After the governance and rectification in 1988, a wind of opposition to reform and the reversal of Zhao was blowing in the Party. At that time, this wind in the Party was very strong and created such a big public opinion, which was not only because there was a group of comrades in the Party who had been influenced by the planned economy for a long time, but also because there was such a soil that could easily accept such things, in addition to the fact that I had been working with the anti-reform conservative forces in the Party since 1987, as well as with the left-leaning conservatives. The main reason is that since 1987, I have had a tense and intensified relationship with the anti-reform conservative forces in the Party, with dogmatists, and with people who have leftist ideas.
That is why after June 4, they criticized me by saying that I had imposed all kinds of restrictions on the struggle against liberalization as soon as I took office. At that time, the Central Committee issued a document that set strict rules and boundaries for anti-liberalization: it stipulated that so-called liberalization means opposing the leadership of the Communist Party and advocating total Westernization. In this way, the mistakes of the past campaigns would not be repeated. Later, I saw that if anti-liberalization continued and reached the 13th National Congress, it would be impossible to open the 13th Congress, which should be a reform and opening conference anyway.
In the atmosphere of anti-liberalization, the leftist forces, Deng Liqun and his group, tried their best to expand anti-liberalization; they tried their best to repeat the leftist methods of the past; they tried their best to extend anti-liberalization to the economic field. In their words, they not only want to criticize those who say liberalization, but also those who do liberalization. The so-called liberalizers are those who are engaged in reform and opening up. Under the instruction of Deng Liqun, some people in the Party School opposed the formulation of “one center and two basic points”, saying that the four basic principles and reform and opening up could not be mentioned together, one being the outline and the other the goal. They also said that the system of responsibility for joint production in rural areas had destroyed the basis of agricultural cooperation and ruined the cooperation in rural areas.
In response to these situations that emerged, I approached Deng Xiaoping to talk about my views. I pointed out that some old people in the Party wanted to oppose reform and opening up through anti-liberalization. Without corresponding preparation of public opinion, it would be difficult for the 13th Congress to be a congress of reform and opening up. So I was prepared to make a speech, and Deng was very much in favor of it and very supportive. So I made a speech to comrades on the ideological and theoretical front on May 13, 1988. I said that since the anti-liberalization campaign, the general situation had changed, so the anti-liberalization campaign had basically come to an end, and the future was mainly about daily Education. I also said that the interference of liberalization was for a period of time, while the long-term fundamental one was mainly the interference of the left. I cited many erroneous views on the ideological and theoretical fronts that opposed reform and opening up from the left side. “After June 4, they criticized me, saying that the May 13 speech had shifted the spearhead of the struggle from anti-right to anti-left, from anti-liberalization to anti-leftist dogma. This is also true.
That is to say, they thought I would follow their views and oppose liberalization, but it turned out that the May 13 speech was not against liberalization but against them. Later, when the 13th National Congress was held, I set a tone and wrote a letter to Deng, saying that the two basic points of the “primary stage of socialism” were anti-leftist, which aroused their discontent even more. Here I would like to say in particular, the 13th National Congress report has this sentence, is about the market economy, but did not use this word. I said to establish a mechanism of “state regulation of the market, the market to guide enterprises”, which is the market regulation, the state only regulates the market, of course, by economic means, the whole enterprise, the whole production is guided by the market. And that the role of the market is to cover the whole society. The plan and the market are not boards, the plan is mainly indirect, mainly through economic means, a kind of market economy regulated by the state macro. I also talked about the development of individual economy, etc. Before writing it into the report of the 13th National Congress, I wrote this letter to Deng Xiaoping and did not send it to Chen Yun and Li Xiannian. They were very dissatisfied with this concept of mine, but it was not good to openly oppose it.
Here I would say a few things made them particularly unhappy and harbor a grudge. One is that before the 13th National Congress, the status of Deng Liqun presiding over the ideological front was changed, and Hu Qili came to be in charge. I also suggested that after Deng Liqun stopped presiding over the ideological front, he could be a member of the Politburo and attend Politburo meetings. He reads more and can express his opinions. I also said that if Deng Liqun was allowed to preside over the theoretical work, Marxism would not be developed in China, and there would be no theoretical development conducive to reform and opening up in China. I made such a definite statement, which of course quickly reached his ears. At the same time, I also abolished his control of the left-leaning ideological stalks, namely the Research Office of the Secretariat and the Red Flag magazine. Of course, the abolition of the Research Office of the Secretariat and the Red Flag magazine was decided by Deng, but I suggested it. Once these things were done, public opinion on reform and opening up was strengthened, and Deng Liqun’s left-leaning, conservative, anti-reform face was made public at home and abroad, making them very isolated. Although at the 13th National Congress we nominated Deng Liqun as a candidate for the Central Committee and then to the Politburo, he lost in the close election. Later, he was nominated for the Standing Committee of the CAC, but again lost. They thought I was responsible for this, so at this point Li Xiannian, Wang Zhen, Hu Qiaomu, and even Comrade Chen Yun, were very upset with me, to the point of harboring a grudge.
Although Wang Zhen was active in anti-liberalization, he was an advocate of openness, but I did not expect him to hate me so much later. Li Xiannian scolded me everywhere after the 13th National Congress, publicly, in Shanghai, in Hubei in front of local leaders, saying that I was not engaged in socialism, that I had learned too much from foreign countries, that I did not understand economics and had messed up the economy. Chen Yun was measured and reasonable. Anyway, they later came to the conclusion that I was more Hu Yaobang than Hu Yaobang. Hu Yaobang did not dare to do, did not make things, I dare to do, made. The company’s main business is to provide a wide range of products and services to the public. The first time the purchase wind up, the governance and rectification of a proposed, they think the time has come, that I have made the economic work bad, the reform and opening up bad, take the opportunity to spread public opinion against me, blowing a wave of reverse Zhao wind.
My news is rather closed. Because I have been working in the local area for a long time, I did not come to the central government for a long time, and after I arrived in Beijing, I was busy with my work all day, so I had fewer channels. So far, many behind-the-scenes things, I am still as clear as dark. For example, a group of people wrote to Deng Xiaoping to oppose me, and I’m still not sure who they are.
It should be said that before June 4, in front of such a “anti-Zhao wind”, Deng Xiaoping was always firmly behind me, not influenced by them. This can be seen from some things. For example, that a period of Deng said on many occasions, the central personnel pattern can not change. Obviously someone in the central government wants to change Deng said not to change. The company’s main business is to promote the development of the company’s products and services. Li Peng went to Deng to explain and confess, and in the middle of this conversation, Deng told him that Zhao wanted two terms of general secretary, and asked him to go back and tell the other Politburo Standing Committee. Of course, Li Peng also told me that it was Deng who said that. Just before “June 4”, I went to Deng before visiting North Korea, Deng also specifically told me that when I returned from the visit to North Korea to talk about the issue of my two terms. At that time, the list of the meeting was conceived, including several party patriarchs in addition to the current Standing Committee, all of whom participated. At that time, he also told me that I engaged in the issue of two terms, Chen Yun, Li Xiannian also expressed agreement. As for how they talked, I do not know.
Before Deng went to Shanghai in 1989, I went to his home and had a deeper talk that time. He said to me that he had been thinking about it for a long time and had not talked to anyone else, but for the first time to me. Said he wanted to resign as chairman of the military commission and wanted me to be chairman of the military commission. He said that it seemed difficult to stop the intervention of other old comrades if he did not retire completely and still retain the chairmanship of the Military Commission. He also said that it seemed to be the only way to do it. Apparently, he felt that the old people interfered too much and I was not good at it. This is about what he considered after the old people expressed to him their opposition to me. In order to allow me to work well, he decided to step down as chairman of the military commission in order to induce others to step down from their positions as well, or to stop interfering.
At the time, I strongly disagreed with his stepping down. I said that the economy was experiencing some problems and people were talking about it, and it would be difficult for us if you stepped down completely. I said, “Eastern politics is different from the West. In the East, it is not that they will not interfere if you step down, nor will they stop interfering if they are all out of office. As long as these founding fathers are still around, it is impossible for them not to interfere. You do not intervene, they intervene, we are more difficult to do. If you are there, we can still do better. I suggested to him that you should not bring up this issue again for a year anyway. After I spoke, he pondered for a while and said, well, according to your opinion to do, not to mention this issue within a year.
From this Deng’s conversation, I perceived that someone, perhaps quite a few old people, exerted pressure on him to say bad things about me, and Deng made it clear that he was not influenced by them and resisted these pressures from them. Since I became general secretary in 1987, a group of conservative forces that gradually gathered against me, although they opposed me very arrogantly and used various methods to oppose me, never succeeded because they did not get Deng’s consent. This situation did not change until after that political storm in 1989. Deng’s attitude toward me changed because of my disagreement with him on the treatment of the school wave and my refusal to follow his views. In this way, the group of old people who had gathered for more than a year to oppose me, only then agreed with Deng and formed an alliance, and only then decided to remove me from my post.
Li Xiannian, a person, can be said to be one of the most prominent representatives of the elderly who oppose reform and opening up. The reason why he hates me is mainly because I implement Deng Xiaoping’s set of reform and opening up. He is inconvenient to openly oppose Deng, so focus on the target on me. Li Xiannian thought that I only listened to Deng Xiaoping and not to him. He had Wang Renzhong through Wang nationwide message to me, said the words of several old people to listen to well! Can not only listen to a person’s words! This was the most obvious indication of dissatisfaction with my implementation of Deng Xiaoping’s reform and opening-up line. In fact, his words could not be listened to because he was against reform and opening up.
On the other hand, if Chen Yun mainly defended the way of the first five-year plan, he said that the practice of the first five-year plan could not be denied. He believes that many of the current practices of reform and opening up are negative to the First Five-Year Plan, so he often has reservations about reform and opening up. Li Xiannian, on the other hand, was the problem of economic wandering during the Cultural Revolution and the three years after the Cultural Revolution. Because he was actually presiding over the economy during this period. Since 1958, when Comrade Chen Yun was not taken seriously by Chairman Mao, it was Li Xiannian who served as Executive Vice Premier of the State Council and presided over the economic work of the State Council for a long time. He was very dissatisfied with the denial or non-affirmation of the achievements of economic work during the three years of wandering in the Cultural Revolution and after the Cultural Revolution. He often said, economic work is not all the achievements of the reform and opening up, there are achievements in the past! The past has laid the foundation! So Li Xiannian especially against me.
In addition to the long-term influence of the planned economy, more conservative thinking, there is that I only listen to Deng’s words not his words, in addition that I presided over the State Council’s economic work in the past he certainly not enough achievements. Li Xiannian so unscrupulous, regardless of the occasion, regardless of principle against me, containing personal feelings, not just differences in opinion, showing a kind of hatred, I think these are the reasons.
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