More than 60 percent of Canada’s 50,000 refugees in need of repatriation are unaccounted for…

On May 3, a long-sheltered immigration document from the Canadian federal government was unearthed by members of Parliament. The report, issued by the Auditor General of Canada in the spring of 2020, documents the deportation of immigrants to Canada.

The lengthy report is not a big deal at first glance, but a closer reading makes all the difference: as of April 2019, Canada had issued deportation orders for a total of 50,000 irregular refugees in its territory, yet the number of irregular refugees successfully removed by the Canadian government is less than one-third.

What’s the concept? According to Statistics Canada, there were only 14,071 inmates in federal prisons in 2019, and this immigration document is almost a disguised way of telling the nation that almost 20 percent of the country’s inmates, who have a high probability of re-offending, are still at large, but are either unmanageable or not intended to be.

When a member of Parliament slammed the report on the debate room table on the 3rd and questioned the federal government loudly, there was no direct response.

In other words, the Canada Border Services Agency (CBSA) still doesn’t know exactly where the 34,700 irregular refugees in Canada are. To add insult to injury, CBSA officials have told the media that nearly 3,000 people have criminal records.

Refugees commit crimes, trials drag on

In 2014, Richmond resident Christy Mahy was driven over and killed by Erjon Kashari, an Albanian who was driving dangerously, according to the Richmond News. Although Kashari had committed a crime in the United Kingdom shortly before the crime and had a record on his file, he managed to enter Canada, applied for immigration as a refugee and lived in Canada for almost four years.

(Photo from Richmond News)

(Photo from the official website of the Canadian federal government)

In 2020, Kashari was extradited back to Canada and sentenced to two years in prison (two years for hit and run?). Kashari was extradited to Canada in 2020 and sentenced to two years in prison (two years for hitting a man?), and he served his sentence in Canada in the spring of 2021.

He committed the crime in 2014 and only served his sentence in 2021, which is also drunk. As for whether he will be sent out of Canada after serving his sentence, no one knows for sure.

We all know where this guy came from, and we can’t send him back? Maybe that’s true. The MP mentioned above said in the debate that in many cases, irregular refugees are right in front of the CBSA, but they can always find all kinds of reasons to refuse to be deported, and in most cases, their excuse is lack of travel documents – once their passports are burned, the CBSA can’t send these people away even if Trudeau himself is driving around. These people can’t be sent away.

That’s why the CBSA has only managed to deport less than 10,000 immigrants so far in 2016.

(Photo from the Richmond News)

“The point is, how did these people with criminal pasts get into Canada?” The Chinese MP asked a soulful question, “Either no one can be found or they are not deported, is our government waiting for people like Kashari to commit another crime in Canada?”

And just on May 5, again in Richmond, police reported a hit-and-run case – a 10-year-old was hit instantly by a motor vehicle while walking his dog in the city’s Thompson neighborhood. According to a statement released by the police, fortunately the child only suffered minor injuries, but the driver of the car that hit him is now missing and it is unknown if he is a refugee.

Still no news on the case of Shen Xiaoyu in 2021

When it comes to refugee crimes, the program has to talk about the Shin Xiaoyu case. Oh yes, because the case has dragged on for almost 4 years without a verdict, according to Canadian media law, we can only call the “main character” of the case, Ibrahim Ali, a “suspect”.

On July 18, 2017, Marrisa Shen, a 13-year-old girl of Chinese descent, disappeared. Her body was found in Burnaby Central Park in the early hours of the following morning after the RCMP Burnaby Division received a report of her disappearance. Since then, Shen’s family, along with all the people with information about the case, have been waiting a long time for the truth about the case.

After 14 months of investigation, the police arrested the Syrian man Ali in 2018, and the prosecutor charged Ali with first-degree murder directly in the B.C. Supreme Court, skipping even the pre-trial hearing.

Think that’s fast enough, right? And it’s not. From the start of the trial in late 2018 until now, there has been no progress at all in the case of Shen Xiaoyu. The Syrian refugee has appeared in court several times, and his lawyer, Veen Aldosky, applied for two postponements of the case in January and March 2019, citing the large number of documents involved and the time needed to organize them.

(Suspect Ali pictured from CBC)

Most outrageously, at the April 16, 2019 hearing, Aldosky’s attorney once again proposed a continuance. This proposal shocked even Judge Lance Bernard, who forced down his displeasure and asked the prosecution for their opinion first. As a result, the lawyer for the prosecution (the B.C. prosecutor) agreed, saying that he understood the defense’s difficulties.

The judge immediately interrupted the prosecution’s lawyer and then adjourned the case, saying that he “needed time to calm down”.

After that, the case, which was supposed to be heard on September 21, 2020, was temporarily postponed until “sometime” in 2021, when the jury stage was easily reached. After that, there was an epidemic, and the trial of Shen Xiaoyu’s case became a long way off.

(Photo from the Vancouver Sun)

Ali’s status as a Syrian refugee was thrust into the limelight as soon as it was revealed. According to media reports, he is not even a refugee from a federal government-sponsored program in Canada, but a refugee sponsored by a private individual and an organization that came to Canada through a church in Vancouver (St. Andrew’s-Wesley United Church) and a group on Bowen Island.

In fact, the initial sponsorship from the Bowen Island residents was originally for one of Ali’s brothers, but the amount raised exceeded expectations and Ali was able to get on the last train and “borrow” to become a refugee in Canada.

The Canadian government’s refugee policy is to blame for Shen Xiaoyu’s tragedy, but so far, neither his family nor the Chinese community has heard a word of apology from the Trudeau government. Instead, he has repeatedly defended the shenanigans of the failed refugee policy, and when asked repeatedly about the case of Shen Xiaoyu’s murder, he has only stonewalled it.

On September 17, 2018, Canadian magazine Maclean’s tweeted a response from Trudeau to the case.

When confronted with this 40,000 online viewers, Trudeau actually laughed when talking about the murdered child. Netizens have been tweeting, almost lopsidedly, cursing.

By the way, an RCMP spokesman told CTV News that the suspect in the Shen Xiaoyu case had no prior criminal record, adding “at least we don’t know that he (committed a crime in Canada)”.

Even if we believe you, a refugee with no criminal record killed a child for no reason, and now the federal government is just telling us with a straight face that there are 3,000 refugees with previous convictions lurking around us?

Who is going to keep us safe?

As a developed country, it is Canada’s international responsibility to accept refugees, which I think most people understand and support. But this does not mean that we should be a “moral leader” and bring in refugees without distinction, and it does not mean that we should relax the conditions of refugee admission for the sake of votes, so that other immigrants in the normal way will be treated unfairly.

Refugees and Chinese are both vulnerable groups that should be mutually supportive in a multicultural context, but it is the government’s inappropriate policies that have lost the balance between favoritism and contempt, exposing the vulnerable groups to more uncertain risks.