The twin U.S. aircraft carriers USS Nimitz (CVN 68) and USS Roosevelt (CVN 71) rehearse together in the South China Sea, Feb. 9. (U.S. Navy)
Since the Biden administration took office, Chinese communist military aircraft have disturbed Taiwan on an unprecedented scale, and aircraft carrier formations have entered and left the U.S.-controlled first island chain to blockade Taiwan and conduct exercises against U.S. military assistance to test the Biden administration’s response and seek windows of opportunity to encroach on Taiwan.
At the same time, the U.S. military is also accelerating its global military deployment, withdrawing troops from the Middle East and deploying them to the Asia-Pacific region. These actions include deploying offensive missiles in the Asia-Pacific region, rebuilding the First Fleet in the Western Pacific, launching the “Pacific Deterrence Plan” and formulating a specific plan for military operations in the South China Sea, etc. The possibility of a U.S.-China military confrontation is growing. The possibility of a U.S.-China military confrontation is growing.
The U.S. military is accelerating its withdrawal from the Middle East
The Wall Street Journal recently reported that Biden has ordered the Pentagon to begin withdrawing some of its military capabilities and forces from the Gulf region, an initial move to adjust the U.S. global military deployment away from the Middle East.
The report said the U.S. has withdrawn at least three Patriot anti-missile batteries from the Gulf, including one at Prince Sultan Air Base in Saudi Arabia. Some military capabilities, including an aircraft carrier and surveillance systems, are also being transferred from the Middle East to respond to military needs in other parts of the world, and other reductions are being considered.
The report said, “Some equipment, including reconnaissance drones and anti-missile batteries, may be redeployed to focus on leading global competitors, including the Chinese Communist Party and Russia.”
The USS Roosevelt aircraft carrier (CVN 71, front left) fleet and the USS Maxine Island amphibious assault ship (LHD 8, front right) fleet rehearse in the South China Sea, April 9. (U.S. Navy)
Asia Pacific Deploys Offensive Missiles to Deter Chinese Communists
The Middle East has been a top priority in U.S. overseas strategy for the past several decades, but after fighting two Gulf wars, the U.S. looks back and sees that not only did it lose its own troops and gain nothing, but it allowed Iranian forces to sit on top of it and get into an even bigger mess. In the two decades when the United States was caught in the Middle East War on Terror, it was the golden two decades of the development of the Chinese Communist Party, which has quietly become one of the biggest opponents of the United States.
After President Trump took office, he realized that the CCP is the biggest threat and reversed the strategic direction of the United States, shifting the focus from the Middle East to the Indo-Pacific, promoting the “Indo-Pacific Strategy” and strengthening alliances to surround the CCP; at the same time, he withdrew from the INF Treaty, making it possible for the U.S. military to deploy missiles in the Western Pacific. The withdrawal from the INF Treaty has made it possible for the U.S. military to deploy missiles in the Western Pacific.
Last June, the Los Angeles Times reported that the U.S. was preparing to deploy hundreds of conventional missiles in Asia, a move that could quickly and easily shift the balance of power in the Western Pacific back in the U.S.’ favor, as the Pentagon became increasingly concerned about the Chinese Communist Party’s expanding missile arsenal and military capabilities that threaten the security of U.S. military bases and allies in Asia.
A Volunteer (Minuteman III) III intercontinental ballistic missile lifts off from Vandenberg Air Force Base, California, Oct. 29, 2020. (U.S. Air Force)
The article says, “The missile program is the centerpiece of a plan to build U.S. military forces in Asia that is expected to cost tens of billions of dollars in defense budgets over the next decade, a major shift in the Pentagon’s budgetary focus, from the Middle East to the Asia-Pacific.”
The Los Angeles Times also mentioned that when the Trump administration first floated the idea in 2019, Australia and the Philippines publicly ruled out deploying missiles in their own countries, and South Korea was considered an unlikely site.
But U.S. officials say many allies privately support the missile deployment plan and will soon allow the missiles to be deployed on their own territory, but do not want to provoke opposition from Beijing and their own populations until the decision is in place.
In 2019, the Pentagon has been testing several new short-range, medium-range missiles with a range of up to 3,400 miles, including a ballistic missile that could be placed on the U.S. territory of Guam, and mobile missiles carried on trucks, among others.
The first of the new weapons could be operational within two years, though no announcement has been made as to where they will be deployed. Currently, similar missiles are carried on U.S. warships and aircraft in Asia, but no land-based missile systems.
On March 9, Philip S. Davidson, commander of U.S. Indo-Pacific Command, testified before the Senate Armed Services Committee that the greatest threat of the 21st century comes from the Chinese Communist Party, that the most urgent U.S. defense need is to deploy long-range missiles in Asia that can threaten the Chinese Communist Party, and that the U.S. needs to supplement offensive missiles with ranges greater than 310 miles in order to complete the existing missile defense system.
Davidson explained the role of offensive missiles in baseball terms, “If I can’t score runs, then I can’t win the game. We have to have an offensive capability, which will make possible adversaries, think twice about any nefarious activity they conduct in the region, and that’s what offensive missiles do.”
Rebuilding the First Fleet in the Western Pacific
Currently, the U.S. Navy’s Seventh Fleet, headquartered in Yokosuka, Japan, is the only fleet stationed in the Asia-Pacific region and governs the Indo-Pacific waters, but its deterrent capability has diminished as the Chinese Communist Party continues to expand its military capabilities in the South China Sea.
In response to the Chinese Communist Party’s military threat, the U.S. Navy is also discussing within the Navy the possibility of reallocating military forces and adjusting military deployments around the globe.
USNI reported that last October, then-Secretary of the Navy Kenneth Braithwaite, speaking at the Naval Submarine League’s annual conference, said, “As I found out on my recent trip to the Far East Every one of our allies and partners is concerned about the aggression of the Chinese (Communist Chinese). Not since the War of 1812 has the United States, and our sovereignty, been under the kind of pressure that we see today, and that is something that I would argue with anyone.”
The U.S. destroyer USS John Finn (DDG 113, left) and the aircraft carrier USS Roosevelt (CVN 71, right) cruise in the western Pacific Ocean on Jan. 12, as the U.S.-China confrontation posture continues in 2021. (U.S. Navy)
He has indicated a new fleet to be placed at the crossroads between the Indian and Pacific Oceans, possibly in Singapore, or a mobile, ocean-going patrol. But most importantly, it could provide a more robust deterrent.
Last November, Braithwaite made it official at a Senate hearing that the U.S. Navy’s First Fleet would be rebuilt and deployed to the Indo-Pacific region. The First Fleet, which was originally responsible for the Western Pacific, was established in 1943 but decommissioned in 1973.
Braithwaite’s idea, supported by many U.S. military generals, the U.S. “military” website (military.com) reported on March 15, the U.S. Indo-Pacific Command commander Philip Davidson (Philip Davidson) said in a House hearing, the U.S. Pacific Fleet commander Aquilino (John Aquilino) is studying the re-establishment of the U.S. Pacific Fleet. John Aquilino is examining the “pros and cons” of a redeployed U.S. First Fleet, and Navy leadership has asked Aquilino to “consider some options for possible First Fleet operations” and “(the) potential concept, impact, and impact of the First Fleet. The possible concept (of the First Fleet), the impact of …… on the relationship with the Seventh Fleet and our military forces there, etc., is still being planned.
Secretary of Naval Operations Michael Gilday also said on April 5 that we are taking a close look at the Indo-Pacific region and the deployment of forces there, and are considering a new First Fleet to govern the Indian and Pacific Oceans in order to reduce the burden on the Seventh Fleet.
The focus shifts “Pacific deterrence plan” on the road
On Dec. 11 last year, the U.S. Senate passed the FY 2021 National Defense Authorization Act by a vote of 84-13, with the Pacific Deterrence Initiative (PDI) being particularly notable. “The Pacific Deterrence Initiative, similar to the European Deterrence Initiative, is designed to maintain the U.S. military advantage over the Chinese Communist Party.
The Voice of America reports that Zack Cooper of the American Enterprise Institute believes the deterrence initiative may be the most important piece of legislation on Asia in recent years, signaling the beginning of a shift in U.S. strategic focus.
According to Timothy Heath of the RAND Corporation, the Pacific Deterrence Initiative is important because it marks a shift in the way the United States deploys and prepares for war against China (the Chinese Communist Party).
Senator Jim Inhofe (R-OK), then chairman of the Senate Armed Services Committee, and Senator Jack Reed (D-RI), a senior member, wrote that the purpose of the Pacific Deterrent Program is to leave Beijing with the conclusion that you cannot win militarily, so don’t even try. So don’t even try.
Senior Republican Congressman James Inhofe (Brendan Hoffman/Getty Images)
U.S. Naval Institute News (USNI) reported March 2 that the U.S. Indo-Pacific Command is seeking $4.68 billion in the upcoming fiscal year to support the Pacific Deterrent Program, and that the command hopes to receive $22.69 billion from fiscal year 2023 through fiscal year 2027 to achieve its goals.
Regarding the elements of the Pacific Deterrent Program, Indo-Pacific Command Commander Davidson explained to Congress that the U.S. needs to establish a decentralized network of precision strike operations that can withstand enemy attack in the first island chain of the Western Pacific, deploy a ground-based SHIELD missile defense system in Guam, deploy a tactical multifunctional radar in the Pacific island nation of Palau, and establish multiple operational domain training programs throughout the region. The U.S. Indo-Pacific Command (IPCC) has established multiple combat area training bases throughout the region so that U.S. and allied forces can train together and fight together.
U.S. Indo-Pacific Command’s South China Sea Military Operations Plan
The U.S. military is clearly strengthening its presence and operational capabilities in the Western Pacific and preparing for a conflict with the Chinese Communist Party in the coming decades.
Writing in The Nikkei on March 7, former U.S. Navy Admiral James Stavridis revealed the U.S. Indo-Pacific Command’s South China Sea action plans and said they have been sent back to the Pentagon pending a full review by incoming Defense Secretary Austin.
One of the plans is to play the role of the U.S. Marine Corps to fight a guerrilla warfare in the South China Sea with the Chinese Communist Party, whose militarized artificial islands in the South China Sea would be a very tempting target. The Marine Corps will penetrate deep inside the South China Sea and use armed drones, offensive networks, missiles, and even ship-to-ship strike weapons to attack Chinese maritime forces, including land bases of operations.
U.S. General: If the U.S. and China go to war in the Indo-Pacific, there will be naval and land battles. Photo shows U.S. Army troops. (DELIL SOULEIMAN/AFP/Getty Images)
In addition to this, the U.S. Navy will be more aggressive in patrolling China’s offshore waters and gradually include allies in its free patrol teams to counter the Chinese Communist Party’s self-proclaimed sovereignty in the South China Sea.
The Pentagon is particularly keen to add the United Kingdom, France and other NATO allies to the South China Sea patrols, and indeed discussed the role NATO could play in the face of rising Chinese Communist military capabilities at a recent meeting of NATO defense ministers in Brussels.
The United States also hopes to convince Australia, New Zealand, India, Japan, South Korea, Singapore, and Vietnam, to all participate in patrolling the South China Sea. The U.S. goal is to create a global maritime alliance to jointly deal with the Chinese Communist fleet.
In addition to the U.S. Navy, the U.S. Air Force is likely to deploy more land-attack long-range bombers and fighters extensively in the Asia-Pacific region, including on some very remote islands.
The U.S. military will also deploy forces close to mainland China, including enhancing the capabilities of U.S. forces stationed in South Korea and Japan, and the Army and Air Force will conduct additional training and exercises with Taiwan. A newly formed U.S. Space Force is also expected to concentrate intelligence and reconnaissance in the theater.
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