Xu Yongyue, the Chinese Communist Party‘s State Security Minister who was caught in the “Public Mistress Gate of Senior Officials,” lost his political career to the vice state level, but was able to retain his full ministerial retirement package.
Former State Security Minister Xu Yongyue
In fact, in addition to the sensitive nature of his position as Minister of State Security, another important reason why Xu Yongyue was able to retain his full ministerial retirement package after being notified by the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection (CCDI) of his “serious breach of discipline” was his Red Generation background and his extraordinary political affiliation with the Chen Yun Family within the Chinese Communist Party.
When Xu Yongyue was suddenly announced as Minister of State Security from his position as Deputy Secretary of the Hebei Provincial Party Committee and Secretary of the Political and Legal Committee at the same level, it was a source of great curiosity to the outside world. When some Chinese Communist Party media in Hong Kong disclosed his background as a second-generation Red, the Taiwanese media then revealed that his father, Xu Mingzhen, had traveled to Taiwan in August 1992 to meet with then-Republic of China President Lee Teng-hui in the name of visiting his family …….
When Xu Mingzhen died in October 1995 as a retired cadre at the deputy ministerial level, the Chinese Communist Party media capped his death with the statement that he “had made important contributions to the preparation of the Koo-Wang talks”. At this Time, Xu Yongyue had just been “re-elected” as deputy secretary of the Hebei Provincial Party Committee at the Fifth Party Congress, and the following year it was announced that he would be re-elected as secretary of the Political and Legal Affairs Committee.
As we described in the last issue, the year after the end of the Cultural Revolution, Hu Qiaomu, a secretary of Mao Zedong, became the president of the Chinese Academy of Sciences and recruited Xu Yongyue and Zhu Jiamu for the office of the Academy. Zhu Jiamu was placed directly as Hu Qiaomu’s secretary, while Xu Yongyue served as the director of a division under the General Office.
According to Xu Yongyue’s own recollection, at the beginning of the 1980s, Chen Yun specifically requested in his internal speech that “from some of the office’s showman class, from the secretaries”, to select candidates for training as successors to leadership positions and promote them vigorously. As a result, Zhu Jiamu, who had served as the head of Comrade Chen Yun’s office for just over two years, personally requested to “go to the grassroots for training”, which was approved by Chen Yun. Xu Yongyue, who had already been transferred from the General Office of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences to Chen Yun’s side as a political secretary because of Zhu Jiamu’s recommendation, took over Zhu Jiamu’s position as the “head of Comrade Chen Yun’s Office”.
After the closing of the 13th CPC Congress in 1987, the Central Organization Department, at the request of Chen Yun, the new director of the CAC, appointed Xu Yongyue as the deputy secretary general of the CAC, making Xu Yongyue a deputy provincial minister.
According to Xu Yongyue’s own recollection, he attended only one meeting of the CAGC during the five years of Chen Yun’s chairmanship, and that was the CAGC’s Standing Committee meeting in May 1989 with the theme of “opposing unrest with a clear flag.
Chen Yun said in his speech at this meeting: “We all participated in the Chinese Revolution under Mao Zedong’s leadership. You all just said that there are relatives and comrades sacrificed, I am like you, on the Long March, my guard walked and lost sight of. Once I turned around, I was told that he had fallen into a mud pit in the meadow and died.
Chen Yun and Deng Xiaoping
Chen Yun also said at that time that a total of more than 24 million people, both democrats and communists, had died for the sake of the socialist jiangshan. Instead of saying that those of us who came from the Long March of 25,000 miles, we should say that we crawled out of the pile of the dead. But now some people want to start another stove, I propose that we firmly support the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China with Comrade Deng Xiaoping as the head, those in favor please raise your hands.
After the meeting, the People’s Daily and Xinhua News Agency were ordered to release the news to the public, and after the press review was sent to “Comrade Chen Yun”, Xu Yongyue took the initiative to delete the sentence “Now someone wants to start another stove” before sending it to Chen Yun’s desk. Then, Xu Yongyue addressed Chen Yun in person. Then, Xu Yongyue suggested to Chen Yun in person that the original phrase “with Deng Xiaoping as the head” quoted in the draft for review be changed to “with Comrade Deng Xiaoping as the core”.
The following day, the public release of the meeting news so quoted Chen Yun’s speech: First, now is a critical moment, can not retreat. Second, as old comrades, we must now firmly support the CPC with Comrade Deng Xiaoping as the core, and firmly support Comrade Li Peng’s speech on behalf of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee at the Party, Government and Military Cadres Conference in the capital.
This is how the Chinese Communist regime came to refer to the so-called “second generation of the central leadership with Comrade Deng Xiaoping as the core”. The phrase “firmly support Li Peng’s speech” was not even spoken by Chen Yun on the spot. There is no way to know whether it was Chen Yun himself or Xu Yongyue who added it in the end.
But Xu Yongyue himself did say to reporters: everyone now often use the “second generation of central leadership with Comrade Deng Xiaoping as the core” this reference, but no one has noticed how it came about. That’s how it came about!
In March 1998, Jia Chunwang, who was also a member of the second generation of the Red Army and whose father was a “revolutionary martyr” and who had served as the Communist Party’s Minister of State Security for 13 years, was transferred to the post of Minister of Public Security. The position of Minister of State Security was passed to Xu Yongyue.
Some foreign media later commented that Xu Yongyue’s father, Xu Mingzhen, had been the secretary of General Chen Gung; Xu Yongyue himself had been the secretary of Chen Yun, and both Chen Gung and Chen Yun had been key players in the “Central Special Branch”, the first security organ of the CCP. Xu Yongyue became the head of the State Security Department, the successor of the Central Special Branch.
There is no doubt that Xu Yongyue was selected to succeed the Communist Party’s Minister of State Security because his Red Generation background and his “long-time work at the side of Comrade Chen Yun” were the most important factors to pass the most stringent political examination. The top management of the CCP at that time should have also taken into account Xu Yongyue’s “professional background”, as he was after all a graduate of the Public Security School and had taught at the school.
In 1992, the 14th Communist Party Congress announced the abolition of the CAGC, and its standing body, the General Office of the CAGC, which had a staff of nearly 100, faced “shutdown and transfer”. After consulting Chen Yun and Xu Yongyue himself, the Central Organization Department agreed to Xu Yongyue’s request to “make up for his grassroots work experience”, and he was placed as secretary of the provincial Political and Legal Committee because of his professional background in “public security school”.
After he left his post in disgrace because of the “public mistress gate of senior officials”, people found out that two of the senior officials above the vice-ministerial level who fell under Li Wei’s skirt were from the Chen Yun family. In addition to Xu Yongyue, the other one is Wang Yi, the former deputy governor of China Development Bank and the right-hand man of Chen Yuan, the eldest son of Chen Yun, who was also sentenced to a suspended death sentence, as we have introduced in past programs.
Wang Yi, deputy governor of China Development Bank
Wang Yi, a history graduate of Peking University, was assigned to the General Office of the Central Advisory Committee (CAC) directly after graduating from university, and when the CAC was reorganized after the 13th Communist Party Congress in 1987, Wang Yi was placed next to Bo Yibo, whose specific job was to liaise between Bo Yibo, the deputy director who chaired the CAC’s executive work, and Chen Yun, the director. Therefore, he is also considered to be the “shared secretary” of both Bo Yibo and Chen Yun.
This Wang Yi left the CAC a few months earlier than Xu Yongyue, and was placed in the newly established Securities Office of the State Council as deputy director after the 14th CPC National Congress closed in October 1992.
At that time, the Securities Commission of the State Council, which had just been established under the leadership of Zhu Rongji, had a formal office responsible for the day-to-day work of the Commission, which was administered by the General Office of the State Council at that time, and was only a departmental bureau-level agency. Wang Yi, who was the deputy director of the office, was only treated as a deputy director.
The first director of the Securities Commission of the State Council was Zhu Rongji, and among its members were Chen Yuan, then the first vice governor of the central bank, and Jin Renqing, then the first vice minister of the Ministry of Finance of the State Council, under Zhu Rongji.
In March 1995, the State Council of the Communist Party of China formally approved the Institutional Establishment Plan of the China Securities Regulatory Commission (CSRC), establishing the CSRC as a vice-ministerial-level institution directly under the State Council. The permanent office under the Securities Commission of the State Council and this CSRC became the same institution, and Vice Chairman Wang Yi was automatically promoted to the level of a full department bureau.
Three years later, the Securities Regulatory Commission was upgraded to ministerial level, and Wang Yi also became a deputy ministerial cadre, but a few months later he was transferred to his side by Chen Yuan, who was ordered by Zhu Rongji to integrate the China Development Bank, and the position of deputy governor of the China Development Bank sat until the day he was imprisoned in Qincheng.
After Wang Yi joined the China Development Bank with Chen Yuan, a mainland Chinese financial journalist commented: “After the founding of the country, our country’s early years of presiding over the national economic work was dominated by Chen Yun, supplemented by Bo Yibo. There is also an interesting coincidence in the pattern of China Development Bank today: Chen Yuan, son of Chen Yun, is the president and Wang Yi is the vice president.
The reason for this comparison is that it was once widely rumored in Beijing‘s financial circles that Wang Yi was Bo Yibo’s son-in-law.
This rumor was based on the fact that Wang Yi and Bo Xiaoying, Bo’s younger daughter and sister of Bo Yibo, were in the same class as Wang Yi when they entered the history department of Peking University in 1978. In the summer of 1982, after they graduated together, Bo Xiaoying was directly retained as an assistant professor in the department, while Wang Yi was admitted to the department’s graduate program ……
In the future, rumor makers about the two said that the reason why Wang Yi enrolled in the department’s graduate school is to stay by Bo Xiaoying’s side. But in fact, Wang Yi’s wife, who is four years younger than Bo Xiaoying, also came from Peking University, but her name at the time was Bai Zhaoming, and she had already worked before entering Peking University, as the secretary of the league committee of the Xinqiao Hotel. After Wang Yi made his fortune, his wife briefly changed her name to Wang Zhaoming to avoid suspicion.
During this period, there is a small episode that Jin Renqing, who was once the vice governor of Yunnan Province, began to contact Wang Yi because of purely working relations, knowing that he was of Bai ethnic origin in Yunnan, which naturally brought them closer together. Once Wang Yi had a good portion of the power to grant loans from China Development Bank, Jin Renqing wasted no time in introducing Li Wei to Wang Yi for sharing.
We have described in a past article about this from a source close to Chen Yuan: Chen Yuan himself is not lustful, and what he despises most is the party cadres who are corrupt for the sake of lust. That’s why Wang Yi, the vice governor of the National Development Commission, who was already highly regarded by him and considered by him to be his successor as governor, was uncovered to have committed the main crime of “trading in power and sex”, and in his anger, he personally wrote to the Supreme Procurator General and the Supreme Court, requesting that Wang Yi be “dealt with severely “This is why, in the future, Wang Yi will be prosecuted for his crimes. That’s why, later on, Wang Yi was sentenced to a suspended death sentence even though it was written in the verdict that he had only committed a single crime of taking bribes, amounting to just over 11 million yuan, and that he had “truthfully accounted for the main criminal facts after his return to the court, recovered all the stolen money, and confessed his guilt and repented.
After Wang Yi was sentenced, he said in court that he accepted the sentence and did not appeal, so he must have understood in his heart that Chen Yuan, who had promoted and cultivated him in the past, hated him to the bone, so it was lucky to keep his head.
We can’t verify whether this is true or not. But after Xu Yongyue, one of the more important players in the Chen Yun family, was also censored for “trading in power and sex,” Chen Yuan, a representative of the Chen Yun family’s political power, took an attitude that was diametrically opposed to his attitude toward Wang Yi.
In June 2015, the Chinese Communist regime held a symposium to commemorate the 110th anniversary of Chen Yun’s birth. The entire Politburo Standing Committee, from Xi Jinping on down, was present, and it was a time of mourning and honor. Among the representatives of Chen Yun’s relatives and staff who were invited and received Xi Jinping and others, Xu Yongyue was introduced by Chen Yuan to the important project he was working on to complete his research on Chen Yun’s Life.
Sources close to the case said that if not for Chen Yuan’s vigorous efforts, Xu Yongyue, who had been in cold storage for eight years after being removed from his post in connection with the “public mistressgate,” would not have had the opportunity to express his “gratitude to the Lord for his kindness” to Xi Jinping in person.
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