On February 1, the Burmese military staged a coup d’état to subvert Burma’s democracy, which was not yet complete. The military arrested the democratically elected leaders Aung San Suu Kyi (Senior Minister of State) and Win Myint (President) and announced a one-year takeover of power. The military claimed that the reason for the coup was fraudulent elections (held on November 8, 2020), but the military manipulated the courts to prosecute Aung San Suu Kyi and Win Myint on other trumped-up charges that had nothing to do with the alleged fraudulent elections. It is clear that even the military itself is well aware that their allegations are purely false.
In the wake of the coup, the United States, Europe and most democratic countries, as well as the United Nations, have spoken out to condemn the Burmese military and call on them to release the arrested democratically elected leaders and restore democracy immediately. The Chinese Communist Party has been ambiguous and evasive. Its foreign ministry spokesman said, “China is a friendly neighbor of Burma, and we hope that all parties in Burma will properly handle their differences under the constitutional and legal framework and maintain political and social stability.” Painless platitudes.
U.S. Secretary of State Blinken called on Beijing to condemn the coup in Burma. In fact, this is a bit of an “imposition” on the Chinese Communist Party. How can the Chinese Communist Party, which is a dictatorial regime with a violent philosophy of “power from the barrel of a gun” and has always been hostile to democracy, condemn the violence committed by the Burmese military and call on it to restore democracy?
Not only is it impossible for the Chinese Communist Party to condemn the Burmese military, but it is also suspected of colluding with the latter. In mid-January, just before the coup, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi visited Burma and, in addition to his usual meetings with civilian leaders Aung San Suu Kyi and Win Myint, he also met with Defense Force Commander-in-Chief Min Aung Hlaing.
During the meeting, Min Aung Hlaing had no qualms about explaining to Wang Yi what he called the fraudulent elections in Myanmar and his disavowal of the landslide victory of the National League for Democracy led by Aung San Suu Kyi. In turn, Wang Yi stated, “China appreciates that the Tatmadaw takes national revitalization as its mission, thinks about the future development of the country from a long-term perspective, adheres to the traditional friendship between China and Myanmar, and promotes the ‘compatriot’ friendship between the two countries.” “We support the Myanmar side in exploring a development path that is in line with its own national conditions, and support the Tatmadaw in playing its due role and making positive contributions in the country’s transformation and development process.”
Wang Yi’s response to the Myanmar military’s coup ranged from acquiescence and encouragement to encouragement and encouragement, almost in every way and in every way. Two weeks after Wang Yi left Myanmar, Min Aung Hlaing staged a military coup. It should be said that the power-hungry and ambitious Burmese military chief received the approval of the Chinese Communist Party from Wang Yi.
According to relevant sources, on February 1, the day the coup took place in Myanmar, the Chinese Communist Party reinforced 12,000 troops, including infantry, artillery, air defense and aviation troops, to the China-Myanmar border; at the same Time, eight J-10 fighter jets and one electronic reconnaissance aircraft were deployed to Linqing Airport in Yunnan Province, which is close to the China-Myanmar border. The Chinese Communist Party’s move was a show of support for the coup in Burma.
For its part, the U.S. suddenly announced on February 3 that it was moving the Nimitz carrier battle group, which was originally deployed in the Middle East, to the Indo-Pacific region, once again forming a rare situation in which the three major U.S. aircraft carrier battle groups converge around China. In addition to the Nimitz, it also includes the Reagan, which is deployed in The Japanese port of Yokosuka, and the Roosevelt, which is cruising the South China Sea. In addition to defending the Taiwan Strait and the South China Sea, the U.S. military’s big move is clearly a strong response to the coup in Myanmar.
As the situation evolves, will the U.S. and Chinese forces meet in Burma? This is still an open question. What options does the U.S. government have? One, sanctions. But U.S. public opinion is wary of sanctions fatigue, as further sanctions may have limited effect on the Burmese military, which has historically suffered from sanctions. Moreover, sanctions are more likely to push Burma into the Communist camp, a concern voiced by Japan, an ally. Second, to sit back and watch would be tantamount to acquiescing to a coup by the Burmese military and watching the demise of an emerging Asian democracy with a population of 55 million. Third, military action. The U.S. military would have no problem defeating the Burmese army, and the Burmese people would give their utmost welcome and support. The concern is with the Chinese Communist Party, the behemoth that stands behind the Burmese military, armed to the teeth.
In international strategic terms, the coup in Burma is a geopolitical victory for Beijing and a setback for the global democracy cause. Whatever choice the U.S. will make in the face of this sudden turn of events, it will undoubtedly be the first big test for the newly installed Biden administration, a rather tricky international test.
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